Media -Maffia

Timmermans door het dolle heen in zijn Hour of Glorie: alle sancties kunnen ten koste de arbeiders.

( Frans Timmermans:”Vechten voor een ‘Vrij Europa”!)

 ‘Arbeiders Verrader Minister Timmermans’ op de ‘EU-Graai-Top’ in Brussel door het Dolle heen van de hysterische Westerse Corporate Crime Media aandacht. Zijn hoofd lijkt wel te ontploffen van opwinding en is bij tijd en wijle angstig knalrood.

De hele hysterische Westerse Bloed aan de paal Media  noemt zijn walgelijk doorzichtige op Hits dr. Goebbels- speech bij de VN zeer indruk wekkend. Het is zum kosten

( van onze Verworpene der aarde redactie i.s.m. Hysterische dr. Goebbels Propaganda redactie)

Amsterdam-NoirWat is de werkelijke reden dat Frans Timmermans zo hysterisch te keer gaat?
Frans TimmermansMisschien om de boel af te leiden van het feit dat zijn Kabinet gefaald heeft door geen Negatief reisadvies af te geven? Of het feit dat er tot heden geen verklaring is verstrekt waarom het betreffende toestel van hoogte en koers is afgeweken recht het oorlogen gebeid in?
De PvdA ‘Draaikont Minister Timmermans’ houdt rekening met alle mogelijke sancties tegen Rusland uiteraard kosten van alle arbeiders van Rusland tot Nederland dat spreekt voor zich.

Gaan de Dutch SS-treinen weer rijden naar het Oostfront deze keer onder leiding van Admiraal de Ruyter ex PVV ex politieman Spijtoptant Louis Bontes.
‘Iedereen’ gaat inleveren bralde Timmermans met een immense gevaarlijke knalrode pan, behalve zijn politieke gabbers in crime, die gaan geen cent gaan inleveren van hun Staats-uitkeringen en (zwarte) spaartegoeden,laat staan om bijv.het Luxe Wachtgeld af te schaffen.

Overgang, ‘Jan met de Pet Crisis’ of Economische Derde Wereld Oorlog.
De ‘Ultra-Rijke–Elite-Gangsters-speculanten’, de Bankier-Gangsters, de wapen en olie handelaren gaan zoals de geschiedenis ons al heeft geleerd bij een eventuele boycot ( of oorlog) nog meer miljarden verdienen  roven en plunderen dan ze nu al doen. De gewetenloze hysterische Timmermans kan niet wachten tot de boycot start. Zijn ‘Staats-NOS’ en de ‘Nazi-Telegraaf ‘ zijn al vast begonnen om de (domme) massa op te zwepen voor Timmermans zijn walgelijke ‘dr. Goebbels retoriek’ voor een boycot, die alleen maar wereldwijd de arbeiders en zieke bejaarden en weerlozen (werklozen) massa in de portemonnee gaat treffen.

Dat heeft Timmermans tegen zijn NOS gebrald, vlak voor het begin van de ‘EU-Graai en Lieg-top’ in Brussel. Daar praten de corrupte Europese ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken over hardere maatregelen tegen Rusland, naar aanleiding van de vliegramp in Oekraïne, maar geen woord over het feit dat mede door hun toedoen 15000 arme kinderen per dag van de honger sterven in de wereld ‘as we speak’ om Rutte zijn woorden maar te gebruiken in deze en daar zouden  Frans Timmermans en zijn ‘VVD Boss Mark Rutte’  ook ieder nacht van wakker moeten leggen.
hongerende kinderen

Begrijp ons a.u.b. niet verkeerd voor de nabestaande telt nu maar een ding en dat is hun terecht immense niet te bevatten verdriet, maar dat geldt niet voor al die nu vals huilende beroeps corrupte politici als Frans Timmermans en Mark Rutte, etc. en het zogenaamde Staats-Hoofd Koning Willem Alexander met in hun kielzog de aasgieren ‘Huil maar mee media’ voor de Kijkcijfers en Westerse Propaganda. Het is zum kotse.

USA-EU-Marionet President Petro Porosjenko’ liet KL4103/MH17 opzettelijk lager vliegen recht de gevarenzonen in.
“Ik verwacht een intensieve discussie, want er is nogal wat veranderd sinds donderdag”, bralde hysterica Timmermans. “En wat er veranderd is is o.a. de Vlucht route, zal ook in het beleid van de ‘Europese–Graai-Unie’ van onze Furherin Angela Merkel tot uitdrukking moeten komen.”

Louis Bontes wil Rusland de oorlog verklaren als ware hij admiraal Michiel de Ruyter om de (‘njet’ bestaande) eer van “Banana-Fraude-Nederland” te redden. Dank u, dank u.
Een aantal landen wil Rusland aanpakken, omdat er sterke aanwijzingen zijn dat pro-Russische separatisten in Oekraïne achter de aanslag op de Boeing van Malaysia Airlines zitten. De rebellen Verzet strijders worden gesteund door Moskou en de Oekraïne met zijn Elite-Gangster USA-EU-Marionet President Petro Porosjenko’ door de Elite van de EU en de USA.

Conflict Oekraïne goed voor de Dutch Witwascentrale op de Amsterdamse VVD-Zuid-As.  Daar horen wij Frans Timmermans ook al niet over.
MOORDENAARSEen wapenembargo. Een financiële boycot. Of zelfs de gas- en oliekranen dicht. De roep om een harde opstelling tegen de Russische president Poetin wordt luider, nu de politieke lakeien van de Ultra-Rijken en hun Corperate crime media al tot de conclusie zij gekomen dat vlucht KL4103/MH17 met Russisch wapentuig uit de lucht is geschoten door de dronken, Kannibalen Separatisten volgens De Telegraaf en de NOS. De Telegraaf kwam recentelijk op de voorpagina  met uitsluitend SS- berichten over de Separatisten die veel weg had van diaboliseren uit het Nazi tijdperk:
“ Om de diabolisering ten volle te begrijpen moeten we ons concentreren op het slachtoffer. We zijn net als het slachtoffer geschokt door de (gruwel)daden van de boosdoener. We willen onze morele verontwaardiging uitschreeuwen, we koken van woede en willen dit in taal en teken vertolken. We willen de dader(s) de ontoelaatbaarheid van hun daden “aan den lijve” laten aanvoelen. Diabolisering is een zeer menselijk gebeuren, in die zin dat het een instinctieve, impulsieve reactie is op de confrontatie met het kwaad. Men moet er niks voor doen, het gaat er gewoon om de verontwaardiging, de woede vrij spel geven. Zoals Jan Bool zegt tegen de later gedeporteerde en omgekomen Etty Hillesum: “Het is ook zo goedkoop, die wraakgevoelens naar buiten. Alleen maar toeleven naar dat ene moment van wraak, daar moeten we het toch ook niet van hebben”. Jan Bool was recentelijk te weten gekomen dat een (joodse) kennis doodgemarteld was door de Duitsers en verscheidene van zijn professoren in kampen voor politieke gevangenen vast zaten. 
De maar al te menselijke verontwaardiging kan door middel van de wraak al vlug uitmonden in een ‘onmenselijke’ reactie. De nazi is een duivel (diabolos), een sadistisch monster dat moet uit de weg geruimd worden. Juist omwille van onze toorn, onze woede gaan we de vaak ingewikkelde realiteit vereenvoudigen tot een tweegevecht van “belle en het beest”. Wij scharen ons met het slachtoffer achter de banier van het goede en trekken, wellicht met de beste intenties, ten strijde tegen het kwade. Het diaboliseringsparadigma werkt dus met zwart-wit-mechanismen: wij zijn helemaal goed en de ander is helemaal slecht” . (Bron: Leren, leven en werken in een wereld waar Auschwitz mogelijk is.)

Er is tot nu toe geen hard bewijs getoond voor die conclusie van Frans Timmermans en zijn PvdA playboy de partijleider Diederik Samsom, maar dat mag de pret niet drukken.
(en dat is hedenochtend n.b. ook nog bevestigd door de geheime dienst van de USA). Gisteren besloten de corrupte EU-graai-ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken sancties tegen belangrijke personen en instellingen uit te breiden. Ook verklaarden ze economische sancties voor te bereiden omdat Moskou te weinig doet om de spanningen in Oost-Oekraïne af te bouwen en het Russische Gas gratis te verstrekken aan de EU.
Maar de gevolgen van een handelsoorlog met Rusland zijn enorm. Zowel voor Rusland als voor Nederland en de andere Europese landen. De handel tussen Rusland en de Europese Unie is in tien jaar tijd bijna verdrievoudigd. De Europese Unie importeerde vorig jaar voor 206,5 miljard euro uit Rusland. Bijna tachtig procent daarvan was gas en olie. Andersom ging er voor 119,8 miljard euro, onder meer machines en diensten, van de Europese Unie naar Rusland.

Waarde handel met Rusland in tien jaar verdrievoudigd.
Import vanuit de EU naar Rusland en export naar Rusland (waarde in miljarden euro’s en index – 2003 = 100, 2003 t/m 2013)
Vooral voor Narco-Nederland, doorvoerland van olie en gas, is het handelsbelang groot. Bovendien zijn Russische mega-maffia-bedrijven als Gazprom en Rosneft belangrijke klanten van de Nederlandse criminele financiële sector op de ‘Amsterdamse VVD Zuid-As’: Nederland is na Cyprus het land met de meeste Russische wit was-brievenbusmaatschappijen maar die gaan bij een boycot alleen maar nog meer bloed miljarden verdienen.

Gerechtigheid voor ‘Jan met de Pet’ bestaat niet in Great Britain.
De Britse Liberale gangsters premier Cameron heeft de afgelopen dagen al herhaaldelijk aangedrongen op hardere sancties tegen Rusland en dat terwijl er een miljoen kinderen dagelijks honger lijden in Engeland. Zijn minister van Financiën, Parasiet-Osborne, zei dat sancties ook mogelijk zijn als die de Britse ‘Jan met de Pet’ economie raken. De Ultra-rijken en de corrupte beroeps politici- zakkenvullers hebben er de facto geen centje last van. Dus boycotten maar. Het is net als met de eerste en tweede wereldoorlog het is ‘Jan met de Pet’ die de loopgraven ingestuurd wordt en betaald met zijn bloed en leven. Wellicht kan er deze keer ter verhoging van de bloed aan de paal pret en de winst van de ‘Corperate Media Maffia’ een heuse ‘Utopia Realty leed-show’  van gemaakt worden. ‘Maffia Boss John de Mol’ staat al de startblokken met zijn S(B)S- zender.

De NOS en Frans Timmermans zijn de schaamte voorbij.
Minister Timmermans bralde nu ook hysterisch dat de nationale economie niet meer het belangrijkst is, maar wel handjes af van zijn salaris  uitkering en zijn komende wachtgeld na de aankomende verpletterende verkiezing nederlaag. “Dit gaat niet meer over economie en handel. Dit gaat over veiligheid en dit gaat ook over gerechtigheid voor bijna tweehonderd Nederlanders die op een gruwelijke manier aan hun einde zijn gekomen net zoals bij de vlucht van Iran Air 655 en de 15000 doden arme kinderen per dag”, bralt hij in zijn finest hour off Pulp-Media-Glorie.

Men mag het niet zeggen, maar men zou bijna gaan denken dat Timmermans, Rutte en hun ‘Staats-NOS’ en De Telegraaf het liefst een of twee keer per jaar zo’n ramp zouden willen hebben. Wat geniet hij er ogenschijnlijk van met zijn walgelijke grote ‘PvdA knalrode pan’ van opwinding.Ondertussen zit de altijd liegende ‘PvdA IJdeltuit Ronald Plasterk’ samen met zijn  Nationaal Coordinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid voor de Ultra-Rijken Dick Schoof te grinniken en giechelen, waarover eigenlijk? De (werklozen) arbeiders, die zo dom zijn om op de PvdA te stemmen?

14 antwoorden »

    • Vanaf 3:50 heeft Gerald het over de sancties/Timmermans. Hij noemt Frans Timmermans een imbiciel. Ik denk dat we in het vervolg deze politicus die het nuttig/nodig/noodzakelijk vond om Rusland de oorlog te verklaren beter “de imbiciel” kunnen noemen.

      Zoals Gerald terecht aangeeft moet er voor een goede schuldvraag discussie ook kritisch gekeken worden naar de rol van de EU en Amerika bij de totstandkoming van de Nazi-regering.

      De Nazi-regering die het allereerst nodig vond om wetten uit te vaardigen die de Russische taal en media verbieden.

      Het feit dat de imbiciel Frans Timmermans een politiek slaatje probeert te slaan uit het neerhalen van het vliegtuig vertelt ons genoeg over deze man.

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  1. “” Wat geniet hij er ogenschijnlijk van met zijn walgelijke grote ‘PvdA knalrode pan’ van opwinding.Ondertussen zit de altijd liegende ‘PvdA IJdeltuit Ronald Plasterk’ samen met zijn Nationaal Coordinator Terrorismebestrijding en Veiligheid voor de Ultra-Rijken Dick Schoof te grinniken en giechelen, waarover eigenlijk?””

    èn Pás Òp … morgen in de geschiedenisboekjes bij Onze Kinderen op schooltjes noemen ze zich rustig vervolgde martelaren in ghetto´s(ipv kastelen en beveiligde rijkenwijken) en ons dé nazi´s!!!

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  2. США (USA) DOING WHAT IS DOES BEST:

    “We are not fighting against enemy armies, but against an enemy people, both young and old, rich and poor, and they must feel the iron hand of war in the same way as organized armies.” US General Sherman

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  3. LS…
    Even ter herinnering; Fucushima was ook een streek van Zionistisch Nazi staat Israël. De Japanners hebben binnen 15 minuten een kernwapen gereed dat van Israël een glasvlakte kan maken in no time. Laat ze dat maar doen voor dat de Nederlandse of Zweedse kerncentrales de lucht in gaan. De smeerlappen deinzen nergens voor terug. Dat zal wel de reden zijn waarom Timmermans zo achterlijk doet naast het feit dat hij door de jezuïeten in zijn kont is geneukt. Trouwens de HELE MSM spreekt zonder sluitend bewijs over de Russen als de schuldige. Hoe moet je als nabestaande dit verdragen in een land waar je kinderen worden vermoord of verkracht door een pedofiele overheid die zo chantabel is dat ze volkomen krankzinnig is geworden.

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    • PS…
      In Rusland staat Nederland nu officieel als AGRESSOR te boek… Maar ja dat kunnen WIJ wel hebben op weg naar de totale verdoemenis…

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  4. APPEAL TO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS
    Haile Selassie
    June 1936

    “I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim that justice which is due to my people, and the assistance promised to it eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted that aggression had been committed in violation of international treaties.

    There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an example of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies.

    I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses.

    It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not only upon warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize and exterminate them.

    At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also was not effective; the liquid affected only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the population of the danger.

    It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the end of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order to more surely to poison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over and over again. That was its chief method of warfare.

    Ravage and Terror

    The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the points farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory. These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain that fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with pain. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in arms could bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had remained without any answer; my delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided to come myself to bear witness against the crime perpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact.

    Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to bring my country the benefits of civilization, and in particular to establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In particular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have based international order.

    Country More United

    In its report of October 5th 193S, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments thought that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and independence, would help her to reach a higher level of civilization. It does not seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and the central power is better obeyed.

    I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of every kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the Government which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not sincere; their only object was to hide its real intention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League of Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty of Friendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving the whole world. The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties, given additional guarantees of security which would enable it to achieve further progress along the specific path of reform on which it had set its feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all its heart.

    Wal-Wal Pretext

    The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain Government considered that the European situation made it imperative at all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of events. Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today its disastrous consequences.

    This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people to Italian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the way with a view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the way of that procedure. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once the arbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised so that an award favourable to Italy should be given.

    All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials, were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be attributed to Ethiopia.

    Peace Efforts

    Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the Roman Government. The Assembly was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month of December, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935.

    It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report Nos. 24, 25 and 26 “The Italian memorandum (containing the complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia’s first appeal to the Council had been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure was that provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for the defense of its colonies menaced by Ethiopia’s preparations. Ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements made in Italy which, in its opinion, left no doubt “as to the hostile intentions of the Italian Government.”

    From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry out the arbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed that the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered to lend itself to any enquiries upon which the Council might decide.

    Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in support of its claim to liberty of action. It asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the means provided by the Covenant. It stated that, “since this question affects vital interest and is of primary importance to Italian security and civilization” it “would be failing in its most elementary duty, did it not cease once and for all to place any confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard its own interests.”

    Covenant Violated

    Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian Government had violated the Covenant and was in a state of aggression. I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for the independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour.

    In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence.

    I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they had denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the complete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions, hospital services, my confidence in the League was absolute. I thought it to be impossible that fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the world, should be successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case with certain small countries in Europe.

    When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through the Suez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions.

    Forced to Mobilize

    On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain peace I had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres so as to remove any pretext of provocation.

    War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a Government commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants, having at its disposal financial, industrial and technical means which enabled it to create unlimited quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on the other hand, a small people of twelve million inhabitants, without arms, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own cause and the promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance was given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who had declared the Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the aggressor as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My confidence had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that force would end by being compelled to bow before right.

    In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the world, had protested against the proposal to dismember Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict between the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened with aggression.

    What of Promises?

    What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October, 1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers considered their undertakings under the Covenant as absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any measures whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, it was a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to be rapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in order to postpone even consideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for this tireless obstruction?

    The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed their soldiers’ blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked only for means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for financial assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has been constantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the Covenant and of collective security?

    The Ethiopian Government’s use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the chief, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian forces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member of the League the duty not to remain a neutral but to come to the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today being respected?

    Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose not to continue the application of any economic and financial measures that may have been decided upon against the Italian Government. These are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression.

    League Threatened

    It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediate interest involved?

    No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League?

    Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment.

    Assistance Refused

    I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply whereas financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor?

    Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was about to attempt a supreme effort in the defense of my people before this Assembly does not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each of the States Members are entitled to expect from the great Powers when they assert their right and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are States going to set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force?

    Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I request the Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest against the violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the people of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the triumph of right and the respect of the Covenant.

    I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to take?

    Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to my people?”

    June, 1936. Geneva, Switzerland.

    APPEAL TO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS Haile Selassie June 1936 “I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim that justice which is due to my people, and the assistance promised to it eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted that aggression had been committed in violation of international treaties. There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an example of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies. I pray to Almighty God that He may spare nations the terrible sufferings that have just been inflicted on my people, and of which the chiefs who accompany me here have been the horrified witnesses. It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. It is not only upon warriors that the Italian Government has made war. It has above all attacked populations far removed from hostilities, in order to terrorize and exterminate them. At the beginning, towards the end of 1935, Italian aircraft hurled upon my armies bombs of tear-gas. Their effects were but slight. The soldiers learned to scatter, waiting until the wind had rapidly dispersed the poisonous gases. The Italian aircraft then resorted to mustard gas. Barrels of liquid were hurled upon armed groups. But this means also was not effective; the liquid affected only a few soldiers, and barrels upon the ground were themselves a warning to troops and to the population of the danger. It was at the time when the operations for the encircling of Makalle were taking place that the Italian command, fearing a rout, followed the procedure which it is now my duty to denounce to the world. Special sprayers were installed on board aircraft so that they could vaporize, over vast areas of territory, a fine, death-dealing rain. Groups of nine, fifteen, eighteen aircraft followed one another so that the fog issuing from them formed a continuous sheet. It was thus that, as from the end of January, 1936, soldiers, women, children, cattle, rivers, lakes and pastures were drenched continually with this deadly rain. In order to kill off systematically all living creatures, in order to more surely to poison waters and pastures, the Italian command made its aircraft pass over and over again. That was its chief method of warfare. Ravage and Terror The very refinement of barbarism consisted in carrying ravage and terror into the most densely populated parts of the territory, the points farthest removed from the scene of hostilities. The object was to scatter fear and death over a great part of the Ethiopian territory. These fearful tactics succeeded. Men and animals succumbed. The deadly rain that fell from the aircraft made all those whom it touched fly shrieking with pain. All those who drank the poisoned water or ate the infected food also succumbed in dreadful suffering. In tens of thousands, the victims of the Italian mustard gas fell. It is in order to denounce to the civilized world the tortures inflicted upon the Ethiopian people that I resolved to come to Geneva. None other than myself and my brave companions in arms could bring the League of Nations the undeniable proof. The appeals of my delegates addressed to the League of Nations had remained without any answer; my delegates had not been witnesses. That is why I decided to come myself to bear witness against the crime perpetrated against my people and give Europe a warning of the doom that awaits it, if it should bow before the accomplished fact. Is it necessary to remind the Assembly of the various stages of the Ethiopian drama? For 20 years past, either as Heir Apparent, Regent of the Empire, or as Emperor, I have never ceased to use all my efforts to bring my country the benefits of civilization, and in particular to establish relations of good neighbourliness with adjacent powers. In particular I succeeded in concluding with Italy the Treaty of Friendship of 1928, which absolutely prohibited the resort, under any pretext whatsoever, to force of arms, substituting for force and pressure the conciliation and arbitration on which civilized nations have based international order. Country More United In its report of October 5th 193S, the Committee of Thirteen recognized my effort and the results that I had achieved. The Governments thought that the entry of Ethiopia into the League, whilst giving that country a new guarantee for the maintenance of her territorial integrity and independence, would help her to reach a higher level of civilization. It does not seem that in Ethiopia today there is more disorder and insecurity than in 1923. On the contrary, the country is more united and the central power is better obeyed. I should have procured still greater results for my people if obstacles of every kind had not been put in the way by the Italian Government, the Government which stirred up revolt and armed the rebels. Indeed the Rome Government, as it has today openly proclaimed, has never ceased to prepare for the conquest of Ethiopia. The Treaties of Friendship it signed with me were not sincere; their only object was to hide its real intention from me. The Italian Goverment asserts that for 14 years it has been preparing for its present conquest. It therefore recognizes today that when it supported the admission of Ethiopia to the League of Nations in 1923, when it concluded the Treaty of Friendship in 1928, when it signed the Pact of Paris outlawing war, it was deceiving the whole world. The Ethiopian Government was, in these solemn treaties, given additional guarantees of security which would enable it to achieve further progress along the specific path of reform on which it had set its feet, and to which it was devoting all its strength and all its heart. Wal-Wal Pretext The Wal-Wal incident, in December, 1934, came as a thunderbolt to me. The Italian provocation was obvious and I did not hesitate to appeal to the League of Nations. I invoked the provisions of the treaty of 1928, the principles of the Covenant; I urged the procedure of conciliation and arbitration. Unhappily for Ethiopia this was the time when a certain Government considered that the European situation made it imperative at all costs to obtain the friendship of Italy. The price paid was the abandonment of Ethiopian independence to the greed of the Italian Government. This secret agreement, contrary to the obligations of the Covenant, has exerted a great influence over the course of events. Ethiopia and the whole world have suffered and are still suffering today its disastrous consequences. This first violation of the Covenant was followed by many others. Feeling itself encouraged in its policy against Ethiopia, the Rome Government feverishly made war preparations, thinking that the concerted pressure which was beginning to be exerted on the Ethiopian Government, might perhaps not overcome the resistance of my people to Italian domination. The time had to come, thus all sorts of difficulties were placed in the way with a view to breaking up the procedure; of conciliation and arbitration. All kinds of obstacles were placed in the way of that procedure. Governments tried to prevent the Ethiopian Government from finding arbitrators amongst their nationals: when once the arbitral tribunal a was set up pressure was exercised so that an award favourable to Italy should be given. All this was in vain: the arbitrators, two of whom were Italian officials, were forced to recognize unanimously that in the Wal-Wal incident, as in the subsequent incidents, no international responsibility was to be attributed to Ethiopia. Peace Efforts Following on this award. the Ethiopian Government sincerely thought that an era of friendly relations might be opened with Italy. I loyally offered my hand to the Roman Government. The Assembly was informed by the report of the Committee of Thirteen, dated October 5th, 1935, of the details of the events which occurred after the month of December, 1934, and up to October 3rd, 1935. It will be sufficient if I quote a few of the conclusions of that report Nos. 24, 25 and 26 “The Italian memorandum (containing the complaints made by Italy) was laid on the Council table on September 4th, 1935, whereas Ethiopia’s first appeal to the Council had been made on December 14th, 1934. In the interval between these two dates, the Italian Government opposed the consideration of the question by the Council on the ground that the only appropriate procedure was that provided for in the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928. Throughout the whole of that period, moreover, the despatch of Italian troops to East Africa was proceeding. These shipments of troops were represented to the Council by the Italian Government as necessary for the defense of its colonies menaced by Ethiopia’s preparations. Ethiopia, on the contrary, drew attention to the official pronouncements made in Italy which, in its opinion, left no doubt “as to the hostile intentions of the Italian Government.” From the outset of the dispute, the Ethiopian Government has sought a settlement by peaceful means. It has appealed to the procedures of the Covenant. The Italian Government desiring to keep strictly to the procedures of the Italo-Ethiopian Treaty of 1928, the Ethiopian Government assented. It invariably stated that it would faithfully carry out the arbitral award even if the decision went against it. It agreed that the question of the ownership of Wal-Wal should not be dealt with by the arbitrators, because the Italian Government would not agree to such a course. It asked the Council to despatch neutral observers and offered to lend itself to any enquiries upon which the Council might decide. Once the Wal-Wal dispute had been settled by arbiration, however, the Italian Govemmcnt submitted its detailed memorandum to the Council in support of its claim to liberty of action. It asserted that a case like that of Ethiopia cannot be settled by the means provided by the Covenant. It stated that, “since this question affects vital interest and is of primary importance to Italian security and civilization” it “would be failing in its most elementary duty, did it not cease once and for all to place any confidence in Ethiopia, reserving full liberty to adopt any measures that may become necessary to ensure the safety of its colonies and to safeguard its own interests.” Covenant Violated Those are the terms of the report of the Committee of Thirteen, The Council and the Assembly unanimously adopted the conclusion that the Italian Government had violated the Covenant and was in a state of aggression. I did not hesitate to declare that I did not wish for war, that it was imposed upon me, and I should struggle solely for the independence and integrity of my people, and that in that struggle I was the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbour. In October, 1935. the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence. I ask the fifty-two nations not to forget today the policy upon which they embarked eight months ago, and on faith of which I directed the resistance of my people against the aggressor whom they had denounced to the world. Despite the inferiority of my weapons, the complete lack of aircraft, artillery, munitions, hospital services, my confidence in the League was absolute. I thought it to be impossible that fifty-two nations, including the most powerful in the world, should be successfully opposed by a single aggressor. Counting on the faith due to treaties, I had made no preparation for war, and that is the case with certain small countries in Europe. When the danger became more urgent, being aware of my responsibilities towards my people, during the first six months of 1935 I tried to acquire armaments. Many Governments proclaimed an embargo to prevent my doing so, whereas the Italian Government through the Suez Canal, was given all facilities for transporting without cessation and without protest, troops, arms, and munitions. Forced to Mobilize On October 3rd, 1935, the Italian troops invaded my territory. A few hours later only I decreed general mobilization. In my desire to maintain peace I had, following the example of a great country in Europe on the eve of the Great War, caused my troops to withdraw thirty kilometres so as to remove any pretext of provocation. War then took place in the atrocious conditions which I have laid before the Assembly. In that unequal struggle between a Government commanding more than forty-two million inhabitants, having at its disposal financial, industrial and technical means which enabled it to create unlimited quantities of the most death-dealing weapons, and, on the other hand, a small people of twelve million inhabitants, without arms, without resources having on its side only the justice of its own cause and the promise of the League of Nations. What real assistance was given to Ethiopia by the fifty two nations who had declared the Rome Government guilty of a breach of the Covenant and had undertaken to prevent the triumph of the aggressor? Has each of the States Members, as it was its duty to do in virtue of its signature appended to Article 15 of the Covenant, considered the aggressor as having committed an act of war personally directed against itself? I had placed all my hopes in the execution of these undertakings. My confidence had been confirmed by the repeated declarations made in the Council to the effect that aggression must not be rewarded, and that force would end by being compelled to bow before right. In December, 1935, the Council made it quite clear that its feelings were in harmony with those of hundreds of millions of people who, in all parts of the world, had protested against the proposal to dismember Ethiopia. It was constantly repeated that there was not merely a conflict between the Italian Government and the League of Nadons, and that is why I personally refused all proposals to my personal advantage made to me by the Italian Government, if only I would betray my people and the Covenant of the League of Nations. I was defending the cause of all small peoples who are threatened with aggression. What of Promises? What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October, 1935? I noted with grief, but without surprise that three Powers considered their undertakings under the Covenant as absolutely of no value. Their connections with Italy impelled them to refuse to take any measures whatsoever in order to stop Italian aggression. On the contrary, it was a profound disappointment to me to learn the attitude of a certain Government which, whilst ever protesting its scrupulous attachment to the Covenant, has tirelessly used all its efforts to prevent its observance. As soon as any measure which was likely to be rapidly effective was proposed, various pretexts were devised in order to postpone even consideration of the measure. Did the secret agreements of January, 1935, provide for this tireless obstruction? The Ethiopian Government never expected other Governments to shed their soldiers’ blood to defend the Covenant when their own immediately personal interests were not at stake. Ethiopian warriors asked only for means to defend themselves. On many occasions I have asked for financial assistance for the purchase of arms That assistance has been constantly refused me. What, then, in practice, is the meaning of Article 16 of the Covenant and of collective security? The Ethiopian Government’s use of the railway from Djibouti to Addis Ababa was in practice a hazardous regards transport of arms intended for the Ethiopian forces. At the present moment this is the chief, if not the only means of supply of the Italian armies of occupation. The rules of neutrality should have prohibited transports intended for Italian forces, but there is not even neutrality since Article 16 lays upon every State Member of the League the duty not to remain a neutral but to come to the aid not of the aggressor but of the victim of aggression. Has the Covenant been respected? Is it today being respected? Finally a statement has just been made in their Parliaments by the Governments of certain Powers, amongst them the most influential members of the League of Nations, that since the aggressor has succeeded in occupying a large part of Ethiopian territory they propose not to continue the application of any economic and financial measures that may have been decided upon against the Italian Government. These are the circumstances in which at the request of the Argentine Government, the Assembly of the League of Nations meets to consider the situation created by Italian aggression. I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression. League Threatened It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon smail Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediate interest involved? No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League? Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment. Assistance Refused I have heard it asserted that the inadequate sanctions already applied have not achieved their object. At no time, and under no circumstances could sanctions that were intentionally inadequate, intentionally badly applied, stop an aggressor. This is not a case of the impossibility of stopping an aggressor but of the refusal to stop an aggressor. When Ethiopia requested and requests that she should be given financial assistance, was that a measure which it was impossible to apply whereas financial assistance of the League has been granted, even in times of peace, to two countries and exactly to two countries who have refused to apply sanctions against the aggressor? Faced by numerous violations by the Italian Government of all international treaties that prohibit resort to arms, and the use of barbarous methods of warfare, it is my painful duty to note that the initiative has today been taken with a view to raising sanctions. Does this initiative not mean in practice the abandonment of Ethiopia to the aggressor? On the very eve of the day when I was about to attempt a supreme effort in the defense of my people before this Assembly does not this initiative deprive Ethiopia of one of her last chances to succeed in obtaining the support and guarantee of States Members? Is that the guidance the League of Nations and each of the States Members are entitled to expect from the great Powers when they assert their right and their duty to guide the action of the League? Placed by the aggressor face to face with the accomplished fact, are States going to set up the terrible precendent of bowing before force? Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant. On behalf of the Ethiopian people, a member of the League of Nations, I request the Assembly to take all measures proper to ensure respect for the Covenant. I renew my protest against the violations of treaties of which the Ethiopian people has been the victim. I declare in the face of the whole world that the Emperor, the Government and the people of Ethiopia will not bow before force; that they maintain their claims that they will use all means in their power to ensure the triumph of right and the respect of the Covenant. I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to take? Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to my people?” June, 1936. Geneva, Switzerland.

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    • Wat is er nou echt gebeurt .
      in complotten land spreek men
      van een vergelding op de diefstal
      van miljarden Russisch tegoeden.
      Oekraïne is maar een steek spel
      in de chantage reeks waar men de
      russen mijn chanteert.

      sedert de russen te samen Met China een bank
      op de wereldmarkt wilde zetten
      om de zogenaamde opkomende landen
      te steunen tegen de westelijk maffia gilde
      is de westelijke maffia gilden op bloed uit .
      want Rusland tezamen met China en India
      en Braziel is zo een machtige blok
      dat de westelijk maffia gilden
      liever de zaad wil doden dan het plant ooit
      uit komt dan het dan te gaan bestrijden .kill it befor it grow
      theorie .

      iedere wel denken mens met een beetje internationale
      politieke denk vermogen had kunnen raden
      dat Rusland never nooit
      zou accepteren dat hun marine basis in handen zou vallen
      van de Europese Unie .
      en wie dat wel denk is zo achterlijk dat het wel Hans van Baalen
      moet heten
      want infantieler besta gewoon niet

      waarom is de westelijk maffia gilden zo uitdagend
      tegen de supermacht Rusland
      welke daad verdiend zo uitdaging
      heeft Rusland de kern van de fragiele
      uitbuiting gilden geraakt
      dat de woekeraars bende van de IMF
      op de vuist wil.

      de koloniale bewind van Straatburg wankelt
      China ooit een van de grootse bevolkte
      kolonie komt in deze deal super sterk
      naar voren
      de bevrijding van economische onderdrukking
      lijkt ten einde.
      zoals altijd is de westelijk maffia gilden
      uit op bloed en vele doden
      als er tijd is voor een verandering

      wie vrede wil zal echt aan de bloedhonden in den haag
      en straatburg om moeten smeken
      Rusland en China willen wederom
      de onderdrukte der aarde doen herrijzen

      sorry voor alle die een nabestaande moeten missen

      Like

  5. Soms kun je gewoon alleen maar stil zijn
    de ogen gesloten zodat je niets ziet
    de radio en televisie uit willen zetten
    je afsluiten voor al dat verdriet

    Soms kun je gewoon alleen maar stil zijn
    want woorden zijn er niet genoeg
    om je afschuw over al dat geweld te uiten
    de wereld is verrot en dat doet pijn

    Soms kun je gewoon alleen maar stil zijn
    ook als je al die wereldleiders ziet
    die elke ramp en alle ellende
    in hun voordeel proberen uit te buiten

    Soms kun je gewoon alleen maar stil zijn
    je mening voor je houden, zwijgen
    uit respect voor andermans verdriet
    omdat iemand een vliegtuig uit de hemel schiet

    Soms kun je gewoon niet meer stil zijn
    als je al die misère ziet,
    de wereld is een grote bende
    en onze “wereldleiders”geven elkaar de zwarte Piet

    Soms mag je niet meer stil zijn
    en moet je schreeuwen, protesteren tegen wat je ziet
    in alle landen van de wereld is het een grote bende
    want voor de bevolking zitten hun regeringen er niet

    Ik wil ook niet meer stil zijn
    door al dat machtsvertoon
    een wereldoorlog in ´t verschiet
    de bevolking, voor een groot deel nog niet wakker,
    blijft zachtjes slapen, want ze ziet het niet

    Door:
    Willemientje

    Like

  6. Lieve Rianne waarom verdoet u tijd op een nutteloze
    site als geenstijl.nl.

    Ooit was er een tijd van echte heren
    die geen smaad dulden en geen vernederingen
    zulke heren waagde hun leven zelfs om hun eer
    in een dodelijke duel
    maar om het verlies van talloze heet hoofden
    van eer en geweten te beperken
    heeft men de wet op de lafaards ingevoerd
    en achter zulke soort wetgeving
    verschuilen de minkukel bende van geen
    stijl.nl zich .
    waarlijk ze geen ene dag een wapen feit
    zullen kunnen verrichten als ze wisten
    dat de wet de lafaards niet zouden
    beschermen.

    ik beloofde me zelf plechtige dat als ik ooit
    zulk soort minkukkels tegen zou komen ik hun
    zonder pardon midden hun vuile bek zou spuwen
    waar ze dan vrij zijn dan hun zelf te verdedigen
    tegen deze kleine negertje

    en onder tussen wil geen ene Groningens
    boer dat er gas geboord word in hun achter tuin
    zijn we nou bezig om ons eigen ruiten in te slaan mensen

    Like

    • @Vera Bedankt voor je opbouwende en evenwichtige kritiek wat er volgens jou niet klopt in het door jouw gelaakte artikel en dat is dat de auteur kennelijk niet in zijn eigen braaksel is gestikt.

      Like

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