Klasse justitie

Corrupte ‘Fracking & Oil-Rechter’ is het ‘Symbool & Gezicht’ van Corrupte Rechters van de Heersende Klasse in de EU en NL.

(van onze ‘Internationale -Elite-Gangster’ redactie i.s.m. onze ‘Internationale- Klasse Justitie’ redactie)

 

AMSTERDAM-NOIR- Corrupt Judge who jailed ‘Fracking Three’ for climbing on lorries at drilling site has’ Elite-Maffia-family’ links to Oil and Gas firm.Fracking protesters’ ‘absurdly harsh’ jail sentences spark calls for judicial review backed by hundreds of scientists.
Jail terms of up to 16 months handed down to men who climbed on cabs of lorries delivering fracking machinery by Corrupt ‘Fracking&Oil- Judge Atham’ .Corrupt Judge Atham who jailed ‘Fracking Three’ for climbing on lorries at drilling site has family links to oil and gas firms – and sister said ‘give shale a chance’ in letter backing controversial process

  • Judge Robert Altham jailed the trio after they illegally sat on top of lorry cabs
  • But family’s business in Lancashire  have links to oil and gas industry
  • Judge’s sister Jane Watson, 54, has backed an open letter promoting fracking
  • Company says that it is a ‘specialist supplier to offshore gas and oil platforms’

The judge who jailed three anti-fracking campaigners for climbing on lorries at a drilling site has family links to the oil and gas industry, it was claimed today.Judge Robert Altham jailed the trio on September 26 after they spent days illegally sitting on top of lorry cabs to try to disrupt controversial shale gas drilling at a Cuadrilla site in Lancashire.But the married father-of-three’s family’s business JC Altham and Sons is said to supply offshore gas and oil platforms. And his corrupt sister Jane Watson, has backed an open letter promoting fracking, which said ‘it’s time to give shale a chance’ – claiming that it would create jobs.Ms Watson, 54, is listed on Companies House as managing director of the firm – based in the Lancashire ferry port of Heysham – while the judge’s parents John, 86, and Linda, 84, are directors.The company, which supplies food, tools, rigging equipment and clothes to ships’ stores, says online that it is a ‘specialist supplier to offshore gas and oil platforms’.  However, it is not known which companies it supplies. Maar vlak de Nederlandse corrupte Rechters als ‘Killer Queen Nienke de Waele’&(gerechtelijke)-bendeleden van de ‘Judas-Raadkamer’ van ‘Joker Peter R. de Vries'(Video)en’Doofpot-Rechter D. Bode’& Lieg& Bedrieg-Rechter J. Kruis(Video) en’Monster-Deporatie-Rechter Ettekoven’(Video) en de ‘Meineed-Rechter mr. F.M. Wieland’ (Holleeder proces(Video))niet uit,want die doen niet onder voor de Engelse corrupt ‘Fracking&Oil Judge Atham’&(gerechtelijke)-bendeleden.

Noot:Critical Legal Studies Movement.
A self-conscious group of legal scholars founded the Conference on Critical Legal Studies (CLS) in 1977. Most of them had been law students in the 1960s and early 1970s, and had been involved with the civil rights movement, Vietnam protests, and the political and cultural challenges to authority that characterized that period. These events seemed to contradict the assumption that American law was fundamentally just and the product of historical progress; instead, law seemed a game heavily loaded to favor the wealthy and powerful. But these events also suggested that grassroots activists and lawyers could produce social change.Fundamentally convinced that law and politics could not be separated, the founders of CLS found a yawning absence at the level of theory. How could law be so tilted to favor the powerful, given the prevailing explanations of law as either democratically chosen or the result of impartial judicial reasoning from neutral principles? Yet how could law be a tool for social change, in the face of Marxist explanations of law as mere epiphenomenal outgrowths of the interests of the powerful?Hosting annual conferences and workshops between 1977 and 1992, CLS scholars and those they have influenced try to explain both why legal principles and doctrines do not yield determinate answers to specific disputes and how legal decisions reflect cultural and political values that shift over time. They focused from the start on the ways that law contributed to illegitimate social hierarchies, producing domination of women by men, nonwhites by whites, and the poor by the wealthy. They claim that apparently neutral language and institutions, operated through law, mask relationships of power and control. The emphasis on individualism within the law similarly hides patterns of power relationships while making it more difficult to summon up a sense of community and human interconnection. Joining in their assault on these dimensions of law, CLS scholars have differed considerably in their particular methods and views.Many who identify with the critical legal studies movement resist or reject efforts to systematize their own work. They seek to express claims of textual ambiguity and historical contingency in their own methods. Influenced by post-modernist developments in cultural studies, these critical scholars prefer episodic interventions to systematized theories. Some critical scholars press hard on a particular line of argument, and then shift away from it in order to avoid treating the argument itself as a kind of fetish or talisman.Some critical scholars adapt ideas drawn from Marxist and socialist theories to demonstrate how economic power relationships influence legal practices and consciousness. For others, the Frankfurt School of Critical Theory and its attention to the construction of cultural and psycho-social meanings are central to explaining how law uses mechanisms of denial and legitimation. Still others find resonance with postmodernist sensibilities and deconstruction, notably illustrated in literary and architectural works. Some scholars emphasize the importance of narratives and stories in devising critical alternatives to prevailing legal practices. Many critical legal scholars draw upon intellectual currents in literature, pop culture, social theory, history, and other fields to challenge the idea of the individual as a stable, coherent self, capable of universal reason and guided by general laws of nature. In contrast, argue critical scholars, individuals are constituted by complex and completing sources of ideology, social practice, and power relationships.

Despite their variety, CLS scholars commonly:

  1. seek to demonstrate the indeterminacy of legal doctrine and show how any given set of legal principles can be used to yield competing or contradictory results;
  2. undertake historical, socioeconomic and psychological analyses to identify how particular groups and institutions benefit from legal decisions despite the indeterminacy of legal doctrines;
  3. expose how legal analysis and legal culture mystify outsiders and work to make legal results seem legitimate; and
  4. elucidate new or previously disfavored social visions and argue for their realization in legal and political practices in part by making them part of legal strategies.

Some critical legal scholars turned to a critique of rights as their primary subject.

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